Micronesian material culture objects
Sinae presented a coconut cup. A general use coconut cup is known in Pohnpeian as pohndal. If the intended use is to hold and serve sakau (Piper methysticum) then the cup is referred to as ngarangar. A ngarangar cannot be used for anything other than sakau. Once sakau is in the cup the cup is referred to as kohwa. In the nahs (traditional structure) there is one kohwa per pounding stone (peitehl). The cup is shared: around the cup every is treated equitably. Not that everyone is equal, but everyone is joined by the cup. The cup is passed down through the generations. Thus the cup unites those who are present with each other and unites those who are present with the ancestors who have gone before. There is a rich symbolism in the kohwa and the kohwa is treated with great respect.
The Pohnpeian pwaht (English: plate). This is intended as a coconut leaf plate to hold food for an individual. These were probably developed post-contact, hence the name deriving from English. The traditional food basket is the kiam which held enough food for a family.
Nakisha presented a pwaht.
Cathleen also presented a pwaht.
Santriko demonstrated how to make a pwaht.
Keola presented a miniature kiam, essentially a model kiam.
Emars brought in a slightly larger kiam. At a festival the kiam can be much larger. The largest kiam are the kiamoroh, a kiam that is carried on a pole by two people. The kiamoroh can be twelve to eighteen feet long, although these are rarely seen nowadays. The kiam is also known in high language as nahnuku or pwahd. The kiam attached at the end of the nahs is referred to as irail or lapwkopwou. A kiam used to bring food from the uhm to the chief is referred to as doulahp (spelling?).
Litana presented both the coconut shell scraper and a coconut cup used to hold local medicine.
In Chuukese (or perhaps a dialect thereof) the cup is known as pensēk.
Jayleen brought in an ahk which is apparently a term for any mangrove implement for digging, also refers to a pointed piece of mangrove wood used for husking coconuts. The ahk is not mentioned in regards to breaking the sakau en enilap. However, the lakaukod is a high language term for stake made of mangrove, used for splitting a clump of kava roots, typically ten to twelve inches in diameter and six to seven feet long, sharpened flat on one end. That could be potentially be used to break the sakau en enilap.
Another term for the weipwul used to break the sakau en enilap is kirikei. The kirikei is a stake made from the noni (weipwul) tree, used for splitting a clump of kava roots, also typically ten to twelve inches in diameter and six to seven feet long, and also sharpened flat on one end.
RJ also covered the importance of the ngarangar/kohwa to the respect culture of Pohnpei. In English we say that "respect is earned, not given." In Pohnpei respect is given, always. Respect is what one owes to any other person - period. That foreigners conceive of respect as needing to be earned explains a lot about their sociopolitical issues and breakdowns.
The ngarangar
Tisha-Rae brought in a peinar, a pounder for pounding food, such as breadfruit. High language variants include inaskatau, alternately ineskatau.
There may be a variant spelling and pronunciation poainar. This is likely to be Morinda citrifolia wood.
A mwaramwar or floral crown is also material culture.
Kimora wears one mwaramwar while presenting another.
The woven fan, whether from coconut fronds or pandanus, is most frequently seen being wielded by older women in church. The fan has more uses than in church.
Aiko explains the uses of the Kosraean pahl.
Chennelle presented a coconut frondlet midrib (nohk) local broom called kepenoak.
Hercly presenting the betau tug.
The basket is woven from coconut and is called a betau tug. The basket is intended to hide the contents of the basket from prying eyes, hence the basket is conceived of as a "secrets basket." Even the top opening is effectively tightly closed.
The basket is able to stand erect due to the design of the bottom of the basket. If the basket lays on its side, then observers might be able to see into the basket. The word betau refers to basket and the word tug refers to circle, hence this is also a "circle basket."
Fiona brought in a sample of the weave used in sitting mats and walls in Satawal.
As a mat this is referred to as gini, alternately gili.
According to Fiona, "When you visit my island, you’ll notice extra gini mats around people's houses, as they are what we sit on during gatherings. On Sundays or during meetings, you'll often see people carrying their gini mats with them. It’s great because everyone brings their own mat from home, so no one has to worry about finding a place to sit."
The gini is made from a single segment or from the full length of a coconut frond.
A detailed look at the closing end of the frond.
The two-over and two-under herringbone weave can be seen in this detail. This is also used for walls in Satawal. Kosrae also used a two over, two under weave for walls.
Cassandra from Houk presented two baskets.
The first is a "field basket" (perhaps more accurately a purse) in the sense that this is made on the fly in the field when one has a sudden need for a basket but forgot to bring one with. This is used for, among other things, collecting betelnut. This field purse is known as a pwetōu oporow.
Cassandra also presented a local purse that women carry on Houk. These are locally made, hand crafted from pandanus, both the light and dark strips.
This purse is known as a pwetōu. Note how the bottom strips are split into three parallel strips just above the base of the purse to yield the narrower strips above. The purse is apparently double layered in places. The shape is a result of some sort of box being used as a form.
The handles are also pandanus and are a challenging weave.
This is another poainar, undoubtedly Morinda citrifolia wood.
Seniko explains her poainar to the class. Poainar may be a Kitti variant of peinar.
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